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THE federal minister for inter-provincial coordination struck the right note when he called for maximum autonomy to enable the provinces to run their own affairs. Mr Saleem Saifullah Khan was speaking in the context of Balochistan after his visit to Quetta. But it is not Balochistan alone which needs and has been demanding greater provincial autonomy. Other smaller provinces, too, would do better if they are not too tightly controlled by Islamabad. Ever since Pakistan came into being, inter-provincial relations and autonomy have figured as key contentious issues. In fact, the federal government’s failure to resolve them has undermined national harmony and even led to the break-up of the country in 1971. The on-going conflict in Balochistan and its implications should make the government wake up and address the provincial autonomy issue in right earnest.

The disparity in the size and resources of the provinces has created the feeling in the smaller units that they are being dominated and even exploited by the larger province. A way out of this throbbing point is to allow all the provinces sufficient autonomy so that they can frame their own policies and run their own affairs as they think fit within the broad framework of the federation. The 1973 Constitution, which was approved by a consensus, provides a small measure of autonomy for the provinces. Even much of this has been siphoned away by the amendments and distortions that have changed the Basic Law beyond recognition. For instance, the changes brought about in the structure of the local government by the military-led government have enhanced the centre’s hold on the administration at the grassroots level. The provinces have been unable to assert their authority and will in many such matters because of their dependence on Islamabad for their financial resources. Their taxation powers are limited and, according to one estimate, they cannot generate more than 10 per cent of their revenue needs. To meet the shortfall, the provinces rely on the federal divisible pool, subventions and grants from the centre. There is also the interference which comes from Islamabad in the shape of appointments of senior officers in the provincial administrations.

Before any step can be taken to rectify the situation, it is important to look at the Basic Law which tilts heavily in favour of the centre. In the absence of a provincial list, the federal government has the virtual monopoly of lawmaking. The subjects are drawn up in two lists - the federal and the concurrent list. The federation technically frames laws on all these subjects. If a provincial law dealing with a subject in the concurrent list is inconsistent with a federal law, the latter will prevail. Since these lists are so comprehensive (67 items in the federal list and 47 in the concurrent list), the provinces find their powers severely restricted. The government apparently understands the significance of this issue and even set up a constitutional committee under Mr Wasim Sajjad to look into the matter. But nothing has come out of it because sufficient political will appears to be lacking. It is important that the concurrent list is severely shortened and the federal list is cut down to the minimum. Also, several sources of taxation need to be provincialised so that the provinces are not excessively dependent on the centre for funds. Many of the grievances the Baloch have expressed in recent days pertaining to jobs, gas royalties and federal control would not have arisen if Balochistan enjoyed greater autonomy.

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